- Failure of political Islam
- The failure of political Islam
- Article excerpt
- The Failure of Political Islam
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His closely reasoned, original and unsentimental conclusion is that political Islam has already failed--that 'Islamism' has already atrophied into a sterile, hypocritical--and very Western--neofundamentalism The Failure of Political Islam addresses the history, sociology, economy and 'geostrategy' of political Islam, with excellent case studies of Iran and Afghanistan This book is a corrective of stunning power.
His analysis is carefully defined and clearly presented Roy's conclusions are He argues that a particular type of Islamist program has failed and been replaced, not by a non-Islamic mode of thought, but by a different Islamic approach This book is essential reading for all interested in the late 20th century evolution of movements of religious activism and revival The issues that [Roy] raises--regarding the nature of Islamist movements and their relationships with modern institutions and concepts, must be dealt with.
Olivier Roy On practically every page one finds an interpretation or observation that is provocative and insightful.
Failure of political Islam
Quandt Foreign Affairs The Failure of Political Islam acts as both a keystone and a launchpad to understanding the political ferment in the Arab world today. In the same way we learned that our perception of Communism as a monolithic force was in error, Olivier Roy exposes the political implications of diversity and weakness within Islam. His is a keen, timely study; highly recommended.
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The failure of political Islam
Gratis verzending 30 dagen bedenktijd en gratis retourneren Ophalen bij een bol. Anderen bekeken ook. Olivier Roy Globalized Islam 24, Nazih N. Ayubi Political Islam , Liow Joseph Islam in Southeast Asia 1. Ed Husain The House of Islam 11, Gilles Kepel Allah in the West 19, Monzer Kahf Notes on Islmic Economics 62, Bekijk de hele lijst. For instance, there are now 58 journalists in prison in Turkey. Researchers and academics, among others, are persecuted and legally prosecuted for expressing their views. However, I would argue that we must hold on to the big, bold idea of this comparison.
It is clear that the Arab uprisings have shown no interest in the Iranian model. Anti-Western, anti-American and anti-Israeli slogans were not prominent. Arab citizens cannot but have noticed the de-legitimisation of the Islamic Republic — which became apparent in the fraudulent elections of — and the suppression of the Green movement that followed.
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We can see the events in in Iran as a precursor of the Arab uprisings and as having many similarities with them. As we all know, the AKP refuses to call itself an Islamist party and says that religion and politics do not mix. More importantly, when you observe the actual record of the AKP in office, its programme has nothing to do with Islam per se.
Its authoritarianism is not inspired by religion: it has to do with the lack of maturity of democratic institutions in Turkey, its authoritarian political culture, which is shared by secular forces, and arrogance stemming from three massive consecutive electoral victories. What is distinctly Islamic about the AKP is its attention to the turban and its encouragement of conservative social values, not least with regards to women and on this issue there are some very worrying trends in Turkey. However, this does not amount to a political programme. The Turkish brand of Islamism is well-suited to the post-ideological phase that the Middle East region is entering.
The Failure of Political Islam
It is also confirmation of the view that Olivier Roy enunciated odd years ago: that political Islam has failed to deliver a distinct and coherent ideological programme. Part II: Turkish foreign policy. Let me now try to draw links between these comments on political Islam and Turkish foreign policy toward the Middle East and generally. There are two different perspectives on this issue, as I see it. Although not mutually exclusive, they nevertheless contain different emphases. The first is a perspective which focuses on ideas and identities in the formulation of Turkish foreign policy very much in fashion in recent years in an International Relations discipline increasingly dominated by a constructivist research agenda.
For instance it was pointed out that in the middle of the crisis of the Van earthquake, Erdogan went to Saudi Arabia to present his condolences for the death of Crown Prince Sultan. This perspective emphasises, not ideas and identity, but the resurgence of Turkish power. In this realist analysis, power is pursued for its own sake. Alternatively — to use E.
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To my mind, this interpretation is more convincing. In fact the shift to the Middle East is not unique but must be placed along side a broader opening or resurgence of Turkish foreign policy. It rests on the economic restructuring of the s, which laid the foundations for an export-driven economic policy. The exception here is Europe with whom the relationship is faltering.
However, the relationship with the United States is still a strong one, despite the various tensions and fluctuations. This now allows me to return to the Arab uprisings of However, he initially opposed Western military intervention in Libya although his government did eventually recognize the Transitional National Council as its legitimate government in early July and offered it active support. If Turkey struggled to adjust to the new situation in the Arab world, the uprisings were undoubtedly bad news for Iran. The Arab insurrections also revitalized the Green movement.